‘Touhoide’ and Meitei Women: Exploring ‘Fear’ in Select Meitei Oral Narratives

Every evening the children of the house would sit around the silver-haired woman who narrated stories of a far-off land, beyond human reach.

Introduction

The power of the ‘spoken word’, expressed in the form of folktales, songs, chants, proverbs, and other oral traditions, has long predated the development of the written system as well as dominated human cultures throughout the world. In the ancient pre-literate societies, oral tradition was not only the source of knowledge and wisdom, but also reflected diverse religious beliefs, customs and social hierarchies “preserved in language by word of mouth, as opposed to writing” (Momaday 167). Central to most of these ancient tribal societies is the belief that the power of the spoken word must be revered, for it “enables native people to achieve harmony with the physical and spiritual universe: to bring rain, enrich the harvest, provide good hunting, heal physical and mental sickness, or ward off evils” (Ruoff 7). In the Native American cultures, the act of creation of early societies is closely linked to the act of weaving words, often reflected in the origin-myths of several communities. For example, the Navajo creation myth believes that “in the beginning, were the word and the thing…” (Witherspoon quoted in Ruoff 6) and that in the Navajo world “the thoughts of the gods were realized through human speech, song and prayer” (ibid). Similarly, in the Laguna Pueblo creation myth, a ‘thought-woman’ would name things and as she named them, they appeared, and that is how the universe was created (Silko quoted in Ruoff 7). Such is the power of the spoken word. 

Much like the American Indian societies, oral traditions are an integral part of the lived experiences of the peoples of northeast India. The region, comprising the eight states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura, is “a conglomeration of around 475 ethnic groups and sub-groups, speaking over 400 languages/dialects” (Bhaumik 1). The practice of publishing or printing is a fairly recent phenomenon in the northeast. For instance, renowned poet and folklorist Kynpham Sing Nongkynrih observes that the alphabet of the Khasis “is of very recent history, not older than when Thomas Jones introduced the Roman script in 1842, to form the essentials of the Khasi written word” (vii). Similarly, it was only in the nineteenth century that the shape and structure of the modern Axomiya script was finalized in Calcutta and Serampore (Misra 20). On the other hand, the rich treasure-trove of oral traditions in northeast India is age-old. The word of the mouth, expressed in the form of songs, stories, chants etc. “did not come into the minds of men like a bolt of lightning. They must have seeped in over the centuries…” (Dai 6). This indicates the timelessness of these oral narratives which not only determine a community’s way of life but also reconstruct its past and shape its future. For instance, the reverence for the spoken word is exemplified in one of the creation-myths of the Khasis: One of the Khasi ancestors had lost a manuscript of religious teachings while crossing a raging river. But he remembered all of it, and could easily pass on the teachings to his people by word of the mouth. (Nongkynrih viii). 

Oral Narratives in the Meitei Society

Manipur, one of the states of northeast India, besides being a proud storehouse of a rich literary tradition, also boasts of an equally significant oral tradition that comprises folk tales, folk songs, ballads, myths, legends, chants and proverbs. A child born into and raised in a typical Meitei family grows up listening to well-known lullabies such as “Tha Tha Thabungton/ Ngaali Chikna Nongmadon” (O Moon! In the sky, you shine quietly) and “Ting Ting Chaoro/ Numitna Wanglengei Wanghouro” (May you grow up Fast, grow up tall, while the sun shines) and proverbs such as “Mi Yamadi, Thi Yaami” (too many men, too much shit) and “Mina warakpa ngamdadi lain a warakpa tai” (that which is untameable, must be tamed by gods). Performance of Ishei (song) is an important element of the Meitei culture, be it the Nonglao Ishei (invocation of rains), Phou su Ishei (a song sung during the manual pounding of rice in a big wooden container), or Khubak Ishei (a song sung by clapping hands occasionally).  In addition, ‘Wari’ (story) and ‘Wahai’ (chants/sayings) are integral elements of Meitei Culture. 

The act of storytelling is usually grouped under two heads – Wari Leeba and Funga Wari. ‘Wari-Leeba’ is a serious form of storytelling where stories are not merely narrated but ‘performed’ in front of an audience in a mandap or hall built for performing cultural or religious activities (Singha 38). These stories are taken from epics such as The Ramayana and The Mahabharata. On the other hand, the everyday act of telling and retelling tales by an elderly member of the house such as the grandmother to the children of the house is the tradition of the ‘Funga Wari’ meaning ‘stories told around the hearth.’

My vague idea of what ‘literature’ is, probably stems from the stories my grandmother told us. Back in the nineties, in addition to these stories, I was also exposed to a few versions of Thakumar Jhuli and Chhotoder Mahabharat, quintessential Bengali picture-books of our times. Thus, my growing up as a Meitei girl in the state of Tripura, was a mixed bag of both Meitei oral narratives and Bangla pictorial tales. The former comprised folktales of Tapta, Sandrembi, Pebet, Hanuba Hanubi Paan Thaaba, and the latter was made up of feisty heroes such as Dalim Kumar and Hiramon Tota, the conniving stepmother Duyu Rani, the alluring Poishar Pahaad, Mudrar Pahaad and so on. 

Although oral narratives occupied a significant part of my childhood, unfortunately, it would not be an exaggeration to say that the present generation Meiteis in Tripura (especially those born after 2000) did not grow up with these tales. In fact, Meitei oral narratives from Tripura are largely unexplored and undocumented so far except the tales of Baidyar Dighi and Pukhri Leikai (Singha 60). Interestingly, three decades later, as I now think of those stories, especially the ones my grandmother or my parents narrated, I realise that that was their way of preserving their identity and culture. They used these oral narratives as a mechanism to instil Meitei values and belief systems in the house, and to reaffirm and reconstruct the disappearing belief system, be it in the form of bed-time stories, proverbs, or chants. 

In this semi-autobiographical paper based on memory and my personal experience as a Meitei woman of Tripura, I use the words ‘Meitei’ and ‘Manipuri’ interchangeably. The paper has a twofold objective: locating ‘fear’ as a key element in select Meitei oral narratives leading to the construction of ‘Touhoide’, and deciphering gender issues and the concept of ‘Touhoide’ in the working of the Meitei society with reference to the Meiteis of Tripura. All translations used in this paper are mine. 

The construction of ‘Touhoide’ in Meitei culture

An important element in these oral narratives is the idea of ‘fear’. This dates back to ancient times, and is still seen as a crucial element in the creation and administration of a civilized society: “In some tales, the purpose was to instil caution, while others demonstrate or grow out of forms of discipline administered to children in the past” (Boudinot). In fact, every society instils a sense of fear among its members – fear of the unknown, the unseen and the unheard. The notion of fear is often used as a tool to make the members obey the decorum of the society. Hence, during our childhood, the unofficial rule was to obey every instruction that the elders passed onto us. Even as children, when we were sceptical about a particular belief or thought, questioning the ‘belief’ was not allowed. In certain cases where children of the house raised a doubt or asked a question such as why they could not keep their hair open on a Saturday evening, or why they were not allowed to respond to someone calling out their names from afar after sunset, they would get a one-word response from the elders: touhoide, literally meaning ‘something that must not be done’ / ‘that which is forbidden’.

The word touhoide implied any or all of the three – a forewarning which must not be ignored, an instruction one must follow, and above all, no questions asked or answered. In fact, the utterance of the word touhoide was so impactful that no human dared to ask any more questions since the act of questioning in itself would be considered a violation of the social order and decorum. This notion of ‘fear’ translating into ‘the forbidden’ was imposed often through oral narratives and eventually became widely accepted, as evident in certain chants and tales of Manipuris in Tripura. It was believed that if one did not follow the prescribed instructions, one would be doomed.  

Locating ‘fear’ in select Meitei chants

In the following section, I look into some of the chants used by Meiteis of
Tripura involving the element of fear. It must be mentioned that in the present time, especially in urban areas of Manipuri settlements in Tripura, these chants have become non-existent: 

1. The Toilet Chant: It is believed that the yumlai (protector spirit of the house) resides in every Meitei house. Hence, in a traditional Manipuri household, the idea of constructing an attached toilet within the house was considered a sin. As a matter of fact, toilets were never made part of the main house and were constructed “somewhere in the far end of some remote corner of the backyard where the spirits of the house would never go, and no odour of any kind could reach the human rooms, especially the kitchen of the house…” (Singha 64). After using the toilet, one had to take a proper bath and change clothes to be able to enter the main house. It was ‘touhoide’ (forbidden) to enter the house putting on the same clothes used in the unholy act of defecation or urination. 
   
   But it would be difficult for the children of the house, to go out to that far end of the house during monsoon and winters, especially when it was dark. So, children of the house were taught a special chant to control their urge. They would strike their buttocks against the main door and plead three times: “Thong Nang Ngasi Phairu, ai ayuk nungthin phaige / Thong Nang Ngasi Haa lo, ai ayuk Nungthin haangey” (Dear Door, please defecate tonight, for I will do it in the morning and the afternoon / Dear Door, please urinate tonight, for I will do it in the morning and the afternoon). Quite surprisingly, this repetition of the chant worked only for the children and no adult member could use this chant: “Mother had received clear instructions from Bobok (grandmother) on loo-ethics. She must wash herself head to bottom every time she went to the far-off shitroom, be it rain or shine… and of course change into ‘shudhh’ clothes thereafter” (Singha 65).

2. The Devil’s Chant: Besides the protector spirit, there are other harmful spirits that dwell around the house. It is believed that in the backyard of every Meitei house, there resides an evil spirit, as evident in the folktales “Yenakha Paudabi” (The Easvesdropper) and “Lai-Khutshangbi” (The Goddess with Long Hands). These spirits are shapeshifters and always planning to harm the common man. So whenever the family members discuss a future plan, the devil would eavesdrop and plan to spoil it. Hence, it is forbidden to directly declare or talk about the future without chanting these words first: “naada yektra ga” (If I keep well tomorrow) or “shida naada ga hayeng di” (If I am alive tomorrow / If everything goes well tomorrow…). It was firmly believed that adding such cautionary words in the beginning of a sentence would shield the speaker from the evil spirit that resides in the backyard, near the pond or behind the mud-oven in the kitchen. 

3. The ‘Gecko’ Chant: Tokay Geckos, one of the largest living colourful gecko species found in parts of north-east India, are often spotted in the corner of the house. A Tokay Gecko is called ‘Kakkey’ in Manipuri corresponding to the startling sound it produces. Also, in Manipuri, the word ‘Kakkey’ means ‘I will cut you up’. So when the Tokay Gecko calls out ‘Kakkey, Kakkey, Kakkey’ (I will cut you up), it is considered an omen to which the immediate customary response is: Namaa Ka-U (cut your mother), Napaa Ka-U (cut your mother) and so on. This call and counter-response go on till the gecko stops calling. 

Gendered notions of fear

An interesting point to note is that this notion of fear described above does not necessarily apply to the male members of the house, and in most cases, it is the women who have to adhere to the societal norms and bear the brunt of the touhoide. For instance, the toilet-chant did not work in case of the women of the house and whenever they used the toilet, they would have to change clothes: “Why did you have to wash your hair in this cold? Why don’t you just fake it? Father doesn’t have to wash his head when he returns after clearing himself…” (Singha 66). 

Often, this notion of ‘touhoide’ is reflected in how a Meitei society functions. I write this based on my experiences of growing up in Tripura. For instance, it is forbidden for the women to attend ‘khul’ (community) meetings. Only male members of the community can attend these meetings where important decisions about the administration, governance and other activities are taken. The fear element is obvious in the strict menstrual rules prescribed for Meitei women which if violated can bring ill-luck in the family: “She wouldn’t touch the shanapun and would ask others to get her food and water from the kitchen. I often wondered what went wrong with her that she wouldn’t cook, or the man wouldn’t eat anything she had touched beforehand” (ibid 63). As a matter of fact, it was not only the bodies of the women, but also their clothes that had to adhere to the fear contained in the notion of ‘touhoide’. Women were not allowed to keep their used/unwashed/washed clothes in the same bucket/basket where the male members kept theirs. Women were not allowed to hang their used phaneks (a straight skirt worn by Meitei women) in the courtyard of the house as it was believed to bring ill-luck: “Men are not allowed to touch the phanek in the daytime in front of people – touching it was thought to bring them misfortune” (Veewon). 

The notion of touhoide extends to death rituals in Meitei culture. Women are not allowed to go to the cremation ground or do ‘mukhagni’ (walking around the pyre and setting it to fire). In a post-funeral ceremony known as ‘Nga Tangba’ i.e. ‘the tasting of fish’ performed on the thirteenth day in a house where death has occurred, the men of the house conduct a ‘declaration’ ritual. No woman is allowed to be the declarant. 

Again, in popular Meitei folktales such as “Kai Onba Koumgi Ishing” (Water that turns everyone into a tiger) it is the woman who is held responsible for violating the norm as a result of which she gets transformed into a tiger after drinking water from a ‘forbidden’ well. Similarly, in the tale of Pukhri Leikai, a popular Manipuri legend of Tripura, it is the lazy wife of the Brahmin who is held responsible for bringing misfortune to her family when she wished for “a little pond near the mud oven. The devil was sitting right behind the oven and granted her wish… Soon, the entire house was filled with water… (Singha 62). This legend has two versions, and quite unsurprisingly, in both the versions, the harbinger of misfortune is the wife who indulges in the forbidden act of going against the societal norms. As a matter of fact, in some of our folktales like “Tonshija gi laang” (Tonshija’s Bait) or “U Na Shaba Shaktam” (The Girl Made of Wood), women have been portrayed as the ones who would do only house work; they are to be gazed at and are objects of lust, and even when a man forces a woman to get married, she cannot question them. On the other hand, in stories such as “Tompok”, the male character is given many difficult tasks to accomplish and the virtue of bravery is almost always associated with the men. 

Conclusion

In this paper, I attempted to study select Meitei chants and to locate how the element of fear contained in these oral narratives worked towards the construction of ‘touhoide’. The chants mentioned in this piece are slowly fading away and young generation Meiteis of Tripura do not believe in the efficacy of the chants. Unfortunately, what remains is the ornate sense of fear and its resultant notion of the ‘touhoide’, which has heavily impacted the lives of Meitei women in Tripura.